I'm interested in Bertrand Russell, mainly because of his wide range of topics, including, as well as philosophy and mathematics, some scientific topics, plus world history, and literature, though not art. And his literary style (modelled on Milton, and on Baedecker guidebooks, he said). And his reformist passion. And something else—his apparently wide experience of influential people. Russell regarded his principal work as his book co-written with A N Whitehead, 'Principia Mathematica'—the title no doubt modelled on Newton's. Toward the end of his life he seems to have regarded mathematics as just an elaborate set of tautologies. He was also an aristocratic reformer type, belonging to the political part of the aristocracy rather than the landowners, and an Independent Labour Party supporter, and later a Labour Party supporter, until he became aware of war crimes in Vietnam. He also campaigned against nuclear weapons, though he never had any doubts as to their existence.
Russell's Autobiography states that 'the founder of my family had been a protégé' of Henry VIII. Henry VIII re-introduced interest on money. Possibly Russell's ancestors were promoted after Cromwell and then the 'Glorious Revolution', as a result of being pro-Jewish, though I doubt Russell would ever have stated this.
Who's Who, 1948. Bertrand Russell was proud to be an aristocrat, and used his title all his life. But the fact is, this honour was only created eleven years before his birth, for his grandfather's work.
The thesis of this piece is that Bertrand Russell naïvely assumed, all his life, that tribal and race-based cults (Confucianism, Hinduism, but especially Judaism and Mohammedanism) were on the same footing as the potentially universal Christianity. Bertrand Russell wrote that 'the carrying of the Reform Bill in 1832, ... started Britain on the course that led to complete democracy.' But possibly the rather bogus forms of 'democracy' that have developed had the same root—certainly some people maintain that the Constitutional monarchy with nominal opposition, was, along with company law, Jewish control of money, and one-sided free speech, Jewish-inspired. Russell's unqualified adulation of Bentham, the legal reformer, who was connected with the formation of the non-Church of England University College, might suggest something similar. (See Freedom and Organization 1814-1914, Russell's history of the 19th century. Russell dates the faltering of utilitarianism to 1874, without saying why—possibly the election of Disraeli?). And Russell almost never comments on the post-Napoleonic effects of the Rothschilds on Britain's wealthy families—admittedly a taboo topic in almost all 19th century English writing; I know of no novel (apart from Belloc's Belinda) dealing with impoverishment of English families as a result of that deception. This provides a convincing explanation of Russell's deeply-ingrained omission of any criticism of Jews, including their historical origin, while at the same time he allowed himself to freely mock almost any other category of white humankind, apart from his fellow students at Cambridge.
Note that Russell talks about 'our house', despite the fact that Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park was 'in the gift of the monarch', and so presumably he was removable. In effect, Lord John Russell was subsidised, and there must be a suspicion that he was subsidised for some reason. (It's worth noting that a great deal of property was held in this way: the entire plot of Pride and Prejudice revolves around the possibility that Mr Bennet might die soon, leaving his family homeless. The Church of England was structured around property ownership by the Church—vicars got a 'living' related to the poverty or wealth of the neighbourhood; but on retirement, if they lasted that long, they were ejected from their vicarages; though I doubt this would apply to bishops and archbishops. To this day, the Duke of Westminster owns large swathes of London on what remains of 999-year leases. Oxbridge dons received income, but not property—Russell mentions one who did no work since the age of 22. Tenant farmers illustrate the same kind of thing).
Russell's very last published piece, I think 1969, was on Israel's expansionism. There is some recorded material, both voice and movie, for example of his radio and TV appearances. He opposed the First World War to the best of his abilities; I don't think he ever commented on the coincidence of the Balfour Declaration coinciding with the US decision to enter that war. He supported the Second World War, but only from some time in the late 1930s; before that he favoured a pacifist course. I mean of course against Hitler—it's truly amazing how gently Lenin and Stalin were treated—partly because there was lingering anti-Russian feeling left over from the 19th century. I don't know when he switched to active opposition to Hitler; I'd guess it must have been after the time Churchill secretly started taking his bribes. (On this subject, see this 90 minute video on Churchill's War http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d1MOTRIdVuQ Note that Lord Portal, later in charge of bombing Germany, was a cousin of Russell's, according to his Autobiography) (vol 3).
Russell was very influenced by the prospect of nuclear war and the possible extinction of mankind. He wrote a shortish piece 'The Atomic Bomb' (published as 'The Bomb and Civilization') in 1945, including this: 'It would be possible for Americans to use their position of temporary superiority to insist upon disarmament, not only in Germany and Japan, but everywhere except in the United States' at about the time of Nagasaki, though the unsourced scientific detail he quotes must have been supplied to him. In my opinion, Jews were very keen to prevent this, since their genocidal activities in the USSR would probably have become known. And probably this was the reason that the USSR was declared to be nuclear-armed. In 1954 Russell broadcast 'Man's Peril' about the 'hydrogen bomb', on BBC radio—the only British radio station in Britain of course (apart from rather unclear overseas ones). He wrote introductions to (for example) Jungk's Brighter than a Thousand Suns (1956 German; 1958 English editions), and A. Osada's translated Japanese children's essays Children of the A-Bomb (1963 in English), and also a collection of letters between the fraud Claud Eatherly, who pretended to have piloted the bomber at Hiroshima, and Gunther Anders (who changed his name—'Anders' means 'Others'), Burning Conscience. All these books are seriously problematical—see their threads on this site (now www.nukelies.org), and Amazon reviews. Jungk was a Jew, as was Anders, who was something like a hanger-on of the Frankfurt School—he received an award from Adorno!
Cyrus Eaton and Pugwash was a significant component of 'controlled opposition' to 'the nuclear threat'. Cyrus Eaton was a Jew, a Canadian equivalent of someone like Felix Warburg. Eaton funded the Pugwash Conferences from July 1957. Eaton stipulated that the nuclear discussions should start in Pugwash, his birthplace, possibly (this is my guess) to watch for serious critics. (Incidentally, Russell stated that Aristotle Onassis offered to fund much the same thing; if he had, maybe events would have followed a different course). Note that McMaster University in Canada, where Russell's papers were bought and are stored, was the university that Eaton attended. Russell's Autobiography names Rotblat, Professor Powell, Dr Burhop, and Dr Patricia Lindop as involved with this meeting. Professor Powell was Cecil F. Powell, who appears not to have been a Jew; but he was in the 'World Federation of Scientific Workers', founded 1946, a Jewish front. All this foreshadows the Jewish corralling effort around Russell's Vietnam War Crimes Tribunal.
Russell wrote several shortish books on supposed nuclear weapons, including 'Common Sense and Nuclear Warfare' (1959) and 'Has Man a Future?' (1961). In fact, the division by dates of his The Autobiography of Bertrand Russell—Vol I 1872-1914, Vol II 1914-1944, Vol III 1944-1967—reflects his concerns over the First World War, and over the supposed invention of nuclear weapons. He published 'Unarmed Victory' (1963) on Cuba, with many telegrams between Kennedy and Khrushchev and Russell,—and on the China-India border dispute. One of his short stories is on the theme of the technological extermination of mankind by a small technocratic clique.
Russell's papers were sold to McMaster University in Toronto, which became a gathering-point for Russelliana, and which is I think still in the process of editing and publishing his collected papers—quite a task, as Russell's letter-writing habits, established in his youth, and his long life and vast written output, ensured a voluminous paper-trail. I suspect it will gradually become clear that the McMaster volumes have been arranged, like Russell's Autobiography, on a discredited intellectual basis.
From this site's viewpoint, Russell looks very much like a dupe of Jews. I'll just bullet-point some evidence.
• Early life: almost the sole reference in his writings is to Moses Montefiore, then very 'ancient', in Broadstairs on the south coast, in Russell's boyhood. Russell was told about 'the misfortunes of Jews', I think by his guardian grandma. He presumed, all his life as far as I know, as did most people in the 'West', that 'Jews' in the Bible were the same as people presenting themselves as 'Jews' in 1900-ish and after. A comment by Belloc is also relevant; Belloc said in effect that the British in the 18th century saw no conflict of interest with Jews—they were (my interpretation), after all, mostly in East Europe or Russia, and not therefore in obvious conflict with a sea empire.
• The Boer War sparked Russell's political interest. One of his letters (1905) describes a dinner party at the Webbs' house in London. It must have been an odd social event—an unhappily married woman writer, J H Mackinder of geopolitics, an actor/producer, a spiritualist, and Balfour, the then-Prime Minister. But also Wernher, misspelt by Russell, of Wernher and Beit (mostly of South Africa). Russell says 'Werner.. bearing very lightly the load of blood, of nations destroyed and hatreds generated, of Chinese slavery and English corruption... though Balfour governs the Empire, Werner governs Balfour. ...' This was written after the Boer War. Yet thirty years later, Russell's book 'Freedom and Organization 1814-1914' only has accounts of British and German wars against Africans, and also of Rhodes—nothing else despite the relevance of Jews to the Boer War, and their ownership of minerals, the connection with the First World War—and the lasting bitterness of Africans. Arnold Leese, writing in the 1930s, gives a far better account of the mineral wealth and Jewish financial connections. Russell suppressed, or just possibly was not aware, of all this
• All Russell's writings on socialism fail to mention the imported Jewish aspect. Monopolies based on industry developed in Britain before they did in any other country, and the home-grown socialism of Robert Owen, Ruskin, F D Maurice, William Morris, Oscar Wilde, Keir Hardie, H G Wells, George Bernard Shaw etc favoured some sort of economic redistribution; however, the 'red' variety favoured redistribution mainly to Jews. This is why there was little authentic socialism in the USA and Germany, since the monopolies grew in those countries later, at a time postdating Jewish penetration. In the same way, British socialism in the shape of the Labour Party became 'compromised', and that situation remains to this day. Note that the 12-volume Jewish Encyclopedia in English was published between 1901-1906. Its account of 'socialism' presents it explicitly as a Jewish movement. (This work is now out of copyright and online, though I can't vouch for the fidelity of the online version). It's typical of Russell that his writings on socialism give priority to Jewish writers in German, rather than non-Jews, and rather than practical activities. Russell all his life was averse from commenting on non-mainstream people; he never, for example, described Henry George's ideas in detail
• Russell's automatic avoidance of non-mainstream people was connected with his high Victorian attitude, reflected in the public school/ University education system based largely on Greek and Latin classics, with some non-linguistic and non-archaeological Biblical material. Such people dominated government and the Church of England, and heavily influenced the professions. "My name is Jowett; I'm Master of this College. What I don't know isn't knowledge" illustrates the outlook, though there were some doubters (T H Green? Nettlefold?) who wondered whether 21-year old B.A.s could in fact have read every book worth reading. Russell had an unsceptical attitude; his overview of John Stuart Mill's Autobiography makes it clear he had no doubt as to the factual basis of John Mill's education of his son. Russell never made any attempt to investigate Jews, either historically or in relatively modern times, even when writing his History of Western Philosophy
• The 'Labour' party. Russell says nothing about 'Sidney Webb' (described as a 'lower-class Jew' by Christopher Booker) beyond the fact that he worked tirelessly to deceive other people. Why didn't Russell say more? Russell did his best to delve into other personality types—there are many examples in his autobiography—but, generally, he exempted Jews from critical comment. A letter (at the end of the chapter Engagement in his Autobiography) says 'Beatrice Webb... married a man whom all her smart relations hated...' which is entirely in the spirit of the convention of the time. There is another reference: 'When I mentioned at home that I had met Sidney Webb, my grandmother replied that she had heard him lecture once in Richmond, and that he was '"not quite...." "Not quite what?" I persisted. "Not quite a gentleman in mind or manners,' she finally said.' If his grandmother had been more honest, perhaps Russell might have looked into historical avenues which he never in fact investigated.
• The First World War: Russell opposed this from the start. His autobiography records the depths of his disappointment at the intellectual cowardice and dishonesty of Cambridge academics, the crowd psychology of fanaticism and loss of judgment, and the shallowness of ordinary people. It's not clear to me how much of his attitude to 'ordinary people' was taken from the press of the time which of course was controlled: the idea that the announcement of war was greeted by cheering crowds may well be propaganda. He almost became a 'complete antinomian'. His books Principles of Social Reconstruction, Political Ideals, and Roads to Freedom: Socialism, Anarchism, and Syndicalism were written and published at this time. Russell was often referred to as a 'pacifist'; in fact his attitude was that, if a war on the whole is justified, then it should be fought; but not otherwise—as in the case of the First World War, in his view. Russell's protests were in the form of speeches and writings, in what he called, much later in a TV interview, 'obscure sheets'.
. . . The idea that Britain should have remained neutral, and stayed out of the German-French War, is of course censored from the present education system at most levels. This is Russell in 1957: '.. the consequences of a German victory in the First War would have been deplorable [but] ... less deplorable than the consequences of our victory. ... militarism has steadily increased since 1918. ... democracy has steadily diminished. ... it was followed by an even worse war. Both the Nazis and the Communists resulted from the ferocity of the First War. ...' (From Dear Bertrand Russell (1969)—note that Jewish influence is not considered; obviously the Communist Manifesto preceded 1914!). Russell's writings during 1914 to 1918 have never I think been arranged chronologically, but would be an interesting introduction to that period, starting with the crowds in Trafalgar Square 'cheering to the echo' the news that the government of elderly gentlemen had decided to have them all killed—at least as reported in newspapers—to the introduction of conscription, the 'white-feather girls', jail for dissidents, and the death penalty for 'cowards', and of course including the entrance of other powers into the war. Note that the Jew Sidney Webb said 'our' soldiers should be kept with their 'noses to the grindstone'
• In the First World War, as far as I know Russell totally ignored the Balfour Declaration, despite his passionate opposition to that War. He principally blamed Lloyd George and Edward Grey for the war. He seems hopelessly naive about the sinking of the Lusitania; and had no idea about the then-recent formation of the Jewish Federal Reserve, and the influence of Bernard Baruch
• 'The end of 'The First War' (in '..Autobiography..'- 'the end of the War was so swift and dramatic..')—it's clear Russell had no idea of the logistics side of war, and the effects of control of supplies. His autobiographical chapter is most diverse—accounts of some meetings disrupted, his smuggled letter to President Wilson, asides on prison, notes made at the time, his lovers, D H Lawrence, the suffocating atmosphere of censorship ...—but it's clear he has no idea about strategic materials and products
• Wartime controls had considerable fascination for Russell, who described Sir Arthur Salter's book Allied Shipping Control as 'in all essentials a complete international Socialism. The Allied Governments jointly were the sole buyer of food and raw material, ... They controlled production absolutely ... and could ration factories... As regards food they even controlled retail distribution. They fixed prices as well as quantities. ... mainly through the Allied Maritime Transport Council..' (From a speech to the LSE - London School of Economics - in 1923, The Need for Political Scepticism'). The contrast with his idealistic, democratic, creativity-liberating 'socialism' is very striking. The point here though is that, certainly in the USA, the entire war economy was run, or at least controlled financially, by Jews
• The new USSR: Russell's autobiography has a letter (a private letter home, 1919 I think) on Americanised Jews instituting a new terror system. He actually met Ulyanov ('Lenin') and Bernstein ('Trotzky')—I don't know if Trotsky spoke English, but if so it would no doubt be New York-Yiddish accented. Anyway Russell knew perfectly well this was going on, and yet his 1920 book 'The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism' has only two extremely minute mentions of Jews ('life and outlook of peasants, village schoolmasters, small Jew traders' and '.. the desire for Asiatic dominion, which is probably accompanied in the minds of some with dreams of sapphires and rubies and golden thrones and all the glories of their forefather Solomon.') On this book, here's a much more detailed piece, posted below—it's the most contemptible piece of deception by Russell. And in fact it's only by luck the letter was printed—pressure was brought to bear (by Leonard Woolf and maybe others, according to Anton Felton) not to include his letter in Vol. II of Russell's Autobiography. Russell commented I think in 'New Hopes for a Changing World' that the USSR 'did nothing to alleviate famine', presumably in Ukraine, which again is a contemptible misrepresentation
• Wittgenstein's Tractatus (1922 English edition) had a boldly-advertised introduction by Russell, which must have helped promote it. However, Russell shows no awareness of likely Jewish roots in Wittgenstein, which of course might have helped explain, and very possibly demote, that work. Not even the title was Wittgenstein's. Readers who interpret Wittgenstein as just another example of 'boom', or in a more modern trope publicity 'hype', in a group with Charlie Chaplin, Einstein, Freud and many more, displacing English Great War-dead thinkers, must be on the right track.
• 'The Prospects of Industrial Civilization' (1923—with Dora Russell, then aged 26) is an unsatisfactory book (review on this site here Inconclusive Brew - 'Great War', USSR under Jews, Chinese Civilization, Factories... ) but is in line with everything I'm saying here
• [Not in time sequence:] Russell's Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy (1919) (one of a series of titles for a philosophical library) is a rather depressing illustration of Russell's uncreativity. There's an exhaustive treatment of numbers (including irrationals etc) and things like continuity—all part of what was at the time called 'analysis'. But any wide view—what is the next possible mathematical advance? Is there some intellectual continuity from enumeration to such analysis of change as is found in calculus? Is arithmetic a picture of the world, as geometry perhaps is? What is it that makes some things more amenable to 'mathematics' than others? Given some new phenomenon, or for that matter something long accepted, is there some 'mathematical' methodology to try to deal with it?—such questions are not part of Russell's work. Note that–
• Russell swallowed completely the supposed proof of relativity at the solar eclipse by Eddington (I think—from memory); in fact there were scientific problems with Eddington's observations—a mistake with timing damaged the telescope, and the photographic plate of the stars was not of sufficiently high resolution to test for bending of light
• Russell makes virtually no comment on Jews and either the theatre, or (later) the cinema or the more ubiquitous media of newspapers and (later) television. This is important e.g. as regards G B Shaw (a friend of his) and the production of his plays. It was definitely a live issue, as Belloc's works show
• Russell hardly ever mentioned Jews even when in the news: one of the letters in his Autobiography comments on the Leopold and Loeb murder; one of his books mentions the Lindbergh baby murder; in neither case does Russell comment on the Jewish connections, unless editor(s) removed such comment. As far as I recall, he never even discussed the Jewish 'declaration of war against Germany', for example in Untermeyer's 1933 speech
• [In 1926, the Jewish Daily Forward published a piece by Russell, Why England is Friendly to Jews. This is not yet online, and I've never read it, though it will be in vol 17 of Russell's Collected Papers, 'edited by Nicholas Griffin'. It's not clear when—the relevant page hadn't been updated since 2004, though in 2014 there seems to have been a negligible change by Arlene Duncan. Of vols. 12-34 of the Collected Papers of Bertrand Russell, the 'Political and Cultural Series', more than half are still 'In Progress' in 2015! I'd guess the team of 'scholars' is uncertain how to treat such matters as Stalin, the Second World War, the 'Cold War' and nuclear issues.
I'm willing to predict that there will not be a discussion about Belloc's book The Jews, despite Belloc's fame at the time (as half of the 'Chesterbelloc') with G K Chesterton. And that war as a lucrative Jewish activity will not be mentioned.]
• It goes without saying, no doubt, that his books have no analysis of the growth and influence of the paper money system. In view of the fact he was a close friend of Keynes, who wrote on money, this is on the face of it surprising. (Here's my account of the way paper money, arranged by Jews, has led to a two-tier system of money.)
• Russell mentions Bela Kun in Hungary, but not the Jewish connection; nor did he during and after the 1956 'Hungarian Revolution'
• In a 1930 collection of essays, he states—and of course this was common then, as now—that there is no analysis of fascism; only psychoanalysis—i.e. Russell claimed fascism, which he did not distinguish from German National Socialism, was entirely irrational. This of course is untrue. His analysis leans heavily on Carlyle and Nietzsche, but completely omits German writers concerned with such topics as Jews and pornography, and Jews banding together in businesses to exclude Germans. There was a fairly large literature on Jews in Germany, coinciding with cheaper paper and better printing, and coinciding also with a Jewish population explosion. About fifty years before London and New York, Germans noted their unstoppable influx, with concern. As far as I know, Russell never quoted any such material. (He was fairly familiar with Germany and the German language: as examples, he had a German woman tutor when young; he examined German Sozialdemokraten in his early 20s; mentions many German titles, including by Marx; he quoted from Die Mneme, by Richard Semon; he quotes Treitschke, but omitting all the Jewish information).
Much of Russell's mental framework seems Marxian, for example the careless use of 'feudalism', the assumption that all slavery is indistinguishable (black slaves castrated by Arabs, the same as poor whites in the USA?), and his use of 'war' to cover everything from presumed prehistoric battles to small mediaeval clashes to large-scale bombing. Russell often takes 'exploitation' for granted; as an example in Power he states '.. gains made in commerce, for example in Venice or in the towns of the Hanseatic League, were made at the expense of the foreigner..'
• [Added 2013] Russell on 'fascism': in mid-2008 Brett Lintott, of Toronto University, uploaded a piece on an abandoned book, planned by Russell for 1936, under the working title The Revolt Against Reason. One reason for his abandonment may have been that two books on 'German and Italian Fascism' [sic] were commissioned for early 1938, written by 'University in Exile scholars'—presumably code for Jews. Lintott assembled three sets of notes by Russell for his piece, presumably from papers in the Russell archives:–
- A letter to his publisher, on the 'cult of feeling'. 'Feeling' presumably in Tennyson's sense in In Memoriam. This is the supposed break-up of 18th-century rationalism and 'its connection with violence in politics'. Names listed are Rousseau and Marie Antoinette; Scott, Coleridge, Tractarians (i.e. pro-Roman Catholics), and, oddly, Disraeli as a mediaevalist; Carlyle, Nietzsche, William James, and Bergson, all described as irrational; and Hitler. There is nothing on Jewish assassinations.
- A 1935 outline of his book, which closely resembles the modern parts of History of Western Philosophy. He includes in effect Newton, Tom Paine, the 'noble savage', Cromwell, the Quakers, the arts and crafts movements, 'Liberty', industry, nationalism—quite a rag-bag, many of the ideas on the face of it not having any necessary sequence. Obviously, Fichte and Hegel appear too: Russell was keen to attribute things he disliked to foreigners: secret societies (Italy, he says, became full of them; I don't know one single reference to 'Freemasons' anywhere is Russell's work), dangerous thoughts (Japan), bombing innocents (Mussolini in Abyssinia), censorship (German censors at the time of Marx), exclusive interest in making money (USA), and, here, nationalism and Germany.
- A sheet of paper by Russell on despair—from the philosophical despair of not being able to know, to sin, and rage and disgust over ugly industries, war, unemployment, and over-rapid change.
All this shows Russell had no idea about either fascism or the NSDAP. I know of no evidence he even read party manifestoes. I hadn't known until 2015 that the logician Gottlob Frege in his old age supported Hitler and/or the NSDAP, though he died in 1925, about a week after Mein Kampf was published. There is no mention of this in Russell as far as I know.
Ronald Clark's The Life of Bertrand Russell quotes Russell replying to Oswald Mosley, who sent him letter 'with [undisclosed] enclosures' in 1962. Part of Russell's letter was: ... every ounce of my energy has been devoted to an active opposition to cruel bigotry, compulsive violence, and the sadistic persecution which has characterised the philosophy and practice of fascism. ... However, Russell also said: Peisistratus, Caesar and Napoleon were fascists of the Mussolini sort; Fichte was of the Hitler sort.
Russell accepted atrocity stories (for example, on pogroms) uncritically. He seems to use 'fascism' as a synonym for what newspapers call 'mindless violence'. George Orwell's essay on No Orchids for Miss Blandish (perhaps written in mock-US gangster style by a French author—one of the Schlesingers said this) made the same comparison.
I have a copy of an amateurish book by 'Frank A. Ridley' (from 'South Place Ethical Society' in London). Francis Ambrose Ridley (b 1897; almost certainly regarded himself as a Jew) wrote (and no doubt orated) material on 'fascism' which is strikingly similar to Russell's, for example on Julius Caesar and Napoleon as 'fascists'. I suspect Russell simply had nobody to debate these issues with; hence his inability to focus on his final definitive treatment. Russell may have changed his mind about Napoleon; in Power, Napoleon appears as a soldier of fortune.
(I've attempted to explain Napoleon's career, essentially as a thief and killer secretly paid by Jews after a supposed revolution, which in fact was promoted by Jews. Russell's view of Napoleon was excessively individualistic, as of course is necessary if the economic underpinnings are to be concealed.)
The legal present of control of paper money by Jews—which spread into every aspect of life in Germany—is simply not understood by Russell. In this respect, Belloc is vastly his superior. The dynamic of fascism in Italy was very different, at least directly, but Russell's unpublished work was hopelessly inadequate to describe and understand it.
• Worth mentioning that in a 1930s book of essays Russell described Nazism as a 'godsend' to Germans who didn't think of themselves as working-class etc. This phrase was altered in later printings, though I don't think these were referred to as new editions. Note that National Socialism was suppressed as a phrase: many people favoured socialism in the vernacular sense, so it was important to erase this—'fascism' sounds foreign.
• The 1931 going off the gold standard in Britain (policies here varied—gold coins had been suspended since 1914, I believe, then partially reintroduced) brought some comment from Russell—he regarded the use of gold as money as a superstition, like referring to 'blood' as race. His comment in the late 1930s on Africa and gold was that it resulted in the transfer of gold from one underground place to another. Unfortunately Russell never managed a synthesis between the practical aspects of gold—including 'value' but also liability to theft—and the practical aspects of state money—including support from the entire state apparatus, but also the possibility of state failure.
• 1932: Russell mentions the Lindbergh baby kidnapping, saying the world was shocked by it, but such incidents would be commonplace in a war. However, the Jewish connection goes unmentioned
• 'Freedom and Organization, 1814-1914' (Russell's history of the 19th century, written in the 1930s before he moved to the USA) mentions Jews in Poland, in a subsidiary footnote-y way, as providing income for Polish 'nobles'. No analysis of them. Their activities in the USA as regards slavery, and the 'greenbacks' of Lincoln—and Russell's book has a lot on north America—are totally missing
• Russell in that book describes 'anti-Semitism' as 'abominable'. It's strange that such a fastidious writer could find no better expression than that recently-coined slang. It's strange too that he should select just one group. Per contra someone in the Russian Orthodox Church is described as a 'grim bigot' in Freedom and Organization, as though the fanatical racist cult of Judaism is the apex of sanity
• In Freedom and Organization Russell picks on 'Two men ... supreme in creating the modern world: Rockefeller and Bismarck. One in economics, one in politics, refuted the liberal dream of universal happiness through competition, substituting monopoly and the corporate state, or at least movements towards them. Rockefeller was important, not through his ideas ... [sc. of competition] but through his purely practical grasp of the type of organization that would enable him to grow rich. ...'
In fact this a multiple misdirection from the truth: in the first place, in assuming individuals can be identified as having complete responsibility. Rothschild was much more influential than either Rockefeller or Bismarck, but this was partly due to the backup of huge numbers of anonymous 'Jews' whose entire cast of mind was in favour of monopolies and Jewish-controlled states.
• Worth noting: in 1935 the first ever official translation of the 'Soncino Talmud' was made into English. I know of no evidence Russell made any attempt to study this (or the Quran, for that matter, though he mentions it in his introduction to Human Knowledge). Certainly his 'History of Western Philosophy', most of which was written after 1941, shows no evidence of any reading in the roots of Judaism
• Russell's book 'Which Way to Peace?' (1936 or perhaps 1937) is anomalous. All Russell's books were published by George Unwin or Allen & Unwin—except for some small books written for rationalist presses. This book appears to have been published by Jonathan Cape or Michael Joseph. (I have no copy—unlike Russell's other books it was never reprinted, and he specifically refers in his autobiography to his not wishing it to be reprinted). At the time I write this (July 2012) an index of the book is online; Versailles and Hitler are indexed, but there is no mention of Balfour, Jews or Mosley. The book presumably is both small and hopelessly incomplete.
• Even in Russell's book 'Power' (1938) Jews are presented as victims—and this in a book supposedly dealing with abstract human power
• He replied to Oswald Mosley, who had proposed they join in some sort of joint thinking about the world, that he 'lived in a different moral universe' and attributed violence to Mosley. This was at a time when Jews, who had flooded into the East End of London before there were passports—and incidentally one reason nothing was done for years was because Churchill filibustered Parliament—were actively involved in street violence
• In 'Power' he describes—and these are descriptions in a very casual sense—fascism and communism as being developed from secret societies. This of course permits specifically Jewish activity to be regarded as just one of many species, which seems highly improbable
• Russell made, I think, no comment whatever on Deir Yassin or the Anglo-Israel War, 1945-1948, which included bombings and hangings by piano-wire. The end point more or less coincided with Nuremberg, no doubt intentionally
• Russell was of course a believer in what was named, much later, 'The Holocaust'. It's possibly odd, or revealing, that Russell did not attend the Nuremberg mock trials; I don't know whether he was invited to observe—quite a motley collection were, for example Laura Knight, the painter. A footnote in a 1950s book by Russell judiciously notes there's doubt over numbers; Russell says (something like) it may have been 4.7 million. In 'Dear Bertrand Russell' he defends the Second World War retrospectively on the grounds, in effect, that bomb-damaged children are preferable to 'innocent Jews herded into gas chambers'
• His 'History of Western Philosophy' (shortly post-WW2) makes no mention of the Khazars, even though their conversion was fairly widely known at the time. (For example, it's in H G Wells's 1920 'Outline of History'). Nor does Russell seem to have entertained the obvious question of a homeland in somewhere like Kazakhstan. His book also states that romanticism 'led to Auschwitz'—this attitude to 'romanticism' seems to have been a carry-over of Victorian attitudes to Rousseau and the French Revolution. (It occurs to me that his dislike of D H Lawrence was another spin-off from jewish propaganda). He attributes rape to German soldiers, rather than the historically accurate USSR 'red army'. As with 'Power' Russell fails to take a long-term view. Russell regarded Jews in 'History of Western Philosophy' as considerable contributors to civilisation, both in groups or as individuals, but unsurprisingly gives no illustrative examples. It's no surprise to find Jewish interests suppressed: Isaiah Berlin's long 1947 review of History of Western Philosophy in Mind has exactly one explicit reference to Jews, despite their presumably having been Berlin's principal interest. (Popper's much-hyped Open Society is reviewed in the same 'number' of Mind; the Jewish link with vast cruelties is of course omitted, there, too).
• Russell mentioned, somewhere, atrocities and killings of Germans in eastern Europe after 1945. In the passages in question, he gives no sources; Russell was never really aware of systematised lies. However, he clearly was uneasy and perhaps had been tipped off by well-connected friends or associates. He regarded Lloyd George as satanic, but not Eisenhower
• Russell was never able to tease out Jewish assumptions in some philosophers. Dewey, Bergson, and Wittgenstein help reveal Russell's limitations. John Dewey—who Mencken mocked as lecturing in Yiddish accents at Columbia—regarded truth as an elastic concept; 'pragmatism' was the real truth, and no doubt this is entirely consonant with people who treat lies as a sort of fine art. Russell mocked Dewey, in his History of Western Philosophy, and was undoubtedly correct to do so, if the a priori axiom that truth always stands irrespective of effects is granted. From the Jewish point of view, if the 'Holocaust' story makes money, it is 'true', and Russell of course had no grasp of this perverse view of 'truth'. Russell wasn't keen on A J Ayer who, it occurs to me, displayed his Jewish clannishness by claiming he believed in the theory of relativity
• Worth mentioning that Russell viewed religions in the Christian way—i.e. a belief system which you could take or leave, though of course he recognised that beliefs and propaganda played a part. As I've stated, he had no idea about the tribal cult systems, mainly Islam and then Judaism, in which the belief system is regarded as an integral part the tribe, and both of which in their modern forms postdate Christianity. (To repeat—these are both relatively modern compared to Christianity—both Islam and Khazar 'Jews' postdate Christianity by about half a millennium)
• Worth mentioning too that Russell, despite his theories, took nationalism for granted almost unconsciously. He always talks about 'Russia', but never the 'USSR', pretending Russians were in control. In Power (1938) he wrote something like 'The Nazis have exiled most of their ablest Germans, and this must, sooner or later, have disastrous effects on their military technique' and he said much the same about 'Communists' after WW2—where in fact secret Jewish collection of new inventions allowed international transmission of techniques, and indeed international transmission of Jewish policies and lies. He says In Common Sense and Nuclear Warfare he says: 'Powerful countries hitherto ... on the one hand, ... have sought the prosperity of their own countries; on the other hand, they have sought dominion, political, economic or ideological, over other countries.' Interest groups which span countries—such as Jews or Muslims or multinationals or large migrants groups or empires—are elided away; so are internal divisions within countries. This mistake becomes serious whenever communications are well-developed. Chapter XII, Powers and Forms of Governments in Power (1938), reveals this very well: almost all Russell's examples are clubs, societies, unions, structures of (e.g.) corporations, national governments. There is no consideration of organisation such as multinational companies, or widespread news organisations controlling information in multiple areas, or cartels, or the transfer of technologies, or, of course, Jews. This makes for very serious misunderstandings, when for instance the USSR secretly imported western technologies on a large scale, or when Jewish news interests could easily promote different lies in different countries. The only exception I can think of in Russell is his recognition of large marketing areas, in for example south America considered as a Monroe Doctrine zone, and weapons selling, and of nationalist economics in the German Empire, the Zollverein (i.e. customs/tariffs free zone).
• Worth mentioning also is the related point that not only ideals but also practical matters have been liable to corruption by Jews. (Here's my account of Jewish corruption of ideas in white countries.) This is of course obvious now—race laws in white countries are clearly targeted against whites, whilst permitting Jewish racism. But looking back, it's likely that company law was and is heavily Jewish-influenced. For example, the money basis of shareholdings, as opposed to any consideration for inventors and workers, which Russell simply assumed to be part of the nature of 'capitalism', is likely to be Jewish in origin. The fact that newspaper and media lies are subject to no penalty is likely to show Jewish influence. Electoral systems—often proportional in Europe, but first-past-the-post in the English-speaking world—must have been Jewish-influenced. Russell's calm assumption that all almost economic activity is exploitative, except that of Jews, shows the same sort of bias
• And worth pointing out is Russell's naïveté about organisations, or at least his failure to note some important features. In Power (1938, when Russell was over 65, the post-WW2 retiring age), he wrote in Chapter XI, 'The Biology of Organizations', 'An organization is a set of people who are combined in virtue of activities directed to common ends. It may be purely voluntary, ... a natural biological group, ... compulsory, ... or a complicated mixture. The purpose of the organization may be explicit or unexpressed, conscious or unconscious; ... There must be a government, which takes decisions in the name of the whole body...' Russell's description is of non-secretive groups which are endogenous—i.e. self-generated and self-supporting—with fairly identifiable motives and a fairly clear structure. It omits groups, such as fake think-tanks and pressure-groups and news media, where much of the policy, such as fomenting war, or promoting population reduction, or damaging the quality of education, or falsifying history, or providing contacts for illegal purposes, may be funded and controlled externally. It omits consideration of people in work they don't agree with, or in work they don't understand—many 20th-century wars included men in this position. It omits consideration of intersecting groups, for example lawyers interacting with multiple groups in the rest of a country or federation. In short, Russell describes assorted types of organization, but not the resultant effects of them when they in totality; and, after all, this is important.
• Russell was primarily influenced by his reading, rather than observation or word of mouth. For example, he specifically supported Stalin, but disliked Hitler, because, according to his reading, 'Communists' say they favour social equality and rights! Well, if that's what they wrote, that must be what they believed in, surely! Most of his books on social movements, for example German Social Democrats and Marxists, quote writers, but say nothing about actual activists' activities. Russell was something like a sitting duck for secret Jewish promotion. In one of his essays he says 'the psychology of Jews is identical to that of Protestants' (quoted from memory)—an extraordinarily ridiculous thing to say. In the same vein, he wrote 'it is a peculiarity of modern communities that they are divided into sets which differ profoundly in their morals and in their beliefs'—ignoring the rifts between mediaeval Jews and Christians. He wrote '.. religions, like wines, mature with age ...' showing no understanding of Talmudic material. Russell, in fact, was exactly the type described by Kevin MacDonald—vulnerable to attack by secret deceptive unified groups
• Amazingly, Russell said somewhere he was proud to be a member of his generation! The generation that ruined Europe, ushered in vast deceptions, and did little to improve the non-white world.
• In 1945, Russell supported the USA threatening the USSR in order to bring about world government. A 'preventive nuclear war'. As we've seen, Russell wrote this immediately on hearing the official reports on Nagasaki. He later denied it; it was a volte face not unlike that before 1939. In fact, from the viewpoint of this site, one of the reasons for making up the myth of H Bombs was precisely the fact that such a US threat of preventive nuclear war would be disliked by Jews in the USSR, and their co-racists in the USA. Hence they invented H bombs, so that preventive war would seem to be too dangerous. If a threat to the Soviet Union was 'unthinkable' the Jews there could continue their 'work'. (see our piece H-bomb-myth-and-its-purpose.html on this subject)
• It's interesting to see in 'The Impact of Science on Society' this passage, from a speech dated 1949:—'Only government propaganda on a large scale could quickly change the biological habits of Asia. But most Eastern governments would never consent to this except after defeat in war. And without such a change of biological habits Asia cannot become prosperous except by defeating the Western nations, exterminating a large part of their population, and opening the territories now occupied by them to Asiatic immigration. For the Western nations this is not an attractive prospect, but it is not impossible that it may happen.' I wonder if this was influenced by the secret Jewish desire at the time to force immigration onto white countries? It's in any case wrong—the combined population of the whole of Asia was far larger than Europe, even then, so that invasion of Europe wouldn't have made much difference to Asian populations. It would make even less difference now
• As late as 1954, when Russell gave the first of the BBC 'Reith Lectures' on the radio, Russell still regarded Lenin as a sort of magician-cum-orator, trying to impose a vision of 'Communism', rather than one of a vicious group, funded secretly by outsiders, who used the power of money ruthlessly to impose their group on Russia and other countries. Somewhere in his writings he says that types like Richard the Lionheart and Lenin, in other historical eras, were 'unknown to history'—these seem inaccurate generalisations—Lenin's forebears, no doubt, were swindlers and crooks from time immemorial. (The first of the 6 half-hour Reith lectures by Russell is archived somewhere on the BBC website, so you may sample his radio manner).
• Portraits from Memory and other essays (first published in 1956) has retrospective material which in effect prefigured his Autobiography. Even at that late date, with Russell in his 80s, he did not understand the Soviet Union. He wrote for example (in 'Symptoms of Orwell's 1984'): Only those who remember the world before 1914 can adequately realize how much has already been lost. In that happy age, one could travel without a passport, everywhere except in Russia. One could freely express any political opinion, except in Russia. Press censorship was unknown, except in Russia. Any white man could emigrate freely to any part of the world. The limitations of freedom in Czarist Russia were regarded with horror throughout the rest of the civilized world, and the power of the Russian Secret Police was regarded as an abomination. ... For a long time after the Russian Revolution, it was customary to say, 'No doubt the new regime has its faults, but at any rate it is better than that which it has superseded.' This was a complete delusion. When one re-reads accounts of exile in Siberia under the czar, it is impossible to recapture the revulsion with which one read them long ago. The exiles had a very considerable degree of liberty, both mental and physical, and their lot was in no way comparable to that of people subjected to forced labour under the Soviet Government. ... I quote this at some length because if shows (1) Russell had no idea of the extent of censorship of Jewish activity—Belloc was nearer the mark describing the astonishment of many British people during the First World War on finding that many strategic materials were controlled by Jews. (2) Russell had no idea of the extent to which Russia was targeted, as reflected in his account—he seemed to think there was complete press freedom in the Arab world, the French colonial empire, Hong Kong and China, India, Africa, South America. The passage in bold type suggests to me that the image and view of 'Russia' was shaped by Jewish propagandists.
• Russell did his best to campaign against the Vietnam War from I think 1962 and definitely influenced the protest movement. (A collection of his essays was published as 'War Crimes in Vietnam', in the UK and the US). The first essay in that book was on the New York Times editing his letters in misleading ways, and then not publishing him. Russell, as of course was the case of many others, would not face the facts regarding Jewish media ownership. His Autobiography (vol 2) describes receiving newspapers and letters from Europe, when he was in China, as a blast of insanity, like an oven door being open. Of course there was a Jew power struggle, notably in the USSR; what did he expect?
(A letter dated 1963, published some years later in Dear Bertrand Russell, has this: '... The Cold War is polarised in the Soviet Union and the United States, and one would ... expect to find dissident opinion most carefully controlled ... [there]. In the United States this suppression has become so complete that it has created ... widespread fanaticism. Economic interests which ensure American support of dozens of feudal dictatorships around the globe make it necessary to propound a devil-theory about Communism ... which bears no relationship to the facts...' Note that Russell doesn't mention the Jewish ownership of the New York Times, and has no concept of fraud and deliberate waste, as with paper money and military spending). Russell's mention of 'American Power', without Jews, is illustrated also by this letter: '.. intrusion of the U.N. will mean little more than the introduction of American power into the area concerned. ..' with no analysis of the components making up 'American power'.
• Russell formed the Bertrand Russell War Crimes Tribunal which did its best to collect evidence. All of this of course was largely censored by the media and BBC, and still is. (There's film somewhere of Ralph Schoenman speaking at its inauguration—when he starts talking of napalm and burning peasants alive, the BBC drop the volume. Incidentally a piece 'Selected Letters' can be read online, and has interesting material on his War Crimes Tribunal and damage limitation lies by Americans and their puppets). The conclusion of the Tribunal (Russell wrote) was that the cause of the war was the search for raw materials and markets. Russell never considered the question of control of currency, or the fact that the Jew Kissinger was the de facto controller of genocide in Vietnam; nor was he tipped off about the Jewishness of LBJ, though it's not credible this fact was unknown to Jews
• The Vietnam War Crimes Tribunal is online here
• Russell's statement on Israel included: .. The bombing raids deep into Egyptian territory will not persuade the civilian population to surrender, but will stiffen their resolve to resist. This is the lesson of all aerial bombardment. The Vietnamese who have endured years of American heavy bombing have responded not by capitulation but by shooting down more enemy aircraft. In 1940 my own fellow countrymen resisted Hitler’s bombing raids with unprecedented unity and determination. ... It's the lesson when bombs are wasted, or not very powerful. It appears Russell was not well informed about Tokyo, Dresden etc.
• One of the odd side-effects of Jewish media control, and its censorship of U.S. war crimes, is that vast numbers of Americans have no idea what was and is being done in their name. And there is a widespread feeling in USA whites that they are the good guys, the innocent guys, the genetically co-operative, gentle and sympathetic human beings. It's conceivable that rage with Jews will increase to the point at which ruthless slaughters of Jews take place, backed up by that idea that whites have always been the good guys. And it may be true: it depends whether they are perceived as having been tricked and deceived by Jews
• According to Caroline Moorehead's rather vacant life of Russell, the very unpleasant New York Times piece on Russell during Russell's inauguration of the War Crimes Tribunal ('.. say, rather, it comes..') was written by Bernard Levin, one of these Jews who unaccountably appears from nowhere—Levin was on That Was the Week That Was, an inevitably limp BBC 'satire' programme
• Vol III of Russell's Autobiography (1967 I think) favourably mentions Ralph Miliband (misspelling his name with 2 l's)—a Belgian Jew and extremely dull Marxist writer who seems to not even have been legally in Britain—an ancestor, if you believe the story, of the present disastrous 'Labour Party' 'leader'
• Vol III of his Autobiography has this summary: 'Later I was brought around to a more favourable view of Communism by the death of Stalin in 1953 and by the Bikini test in 1954; and I came gradually to attribute, more and more, the danger of nuclear war to the West, to the United States of America, and less to Russia. This change was supported by developments inside the United States, such as McCarthyism and the restriction of civil liberties. ...' Though Russell didn't understand this, he was adopting an anti-Jewish policy, and therefore suffered progressive denigration: Jewish policy was to make money through the pretence of nuclear weapons; and to set up 'spies' who supposedly told the 'Russians' the 'secrets', so that commentators who advocated the threat of nuclear weapons against the USSR, would stop doing so—these commentators included Russell; the USSR's Jewish controllers meanwhile imported US industry into the USSR, for the cheap labour; McCarthy, of course, went some way to try to expose all this. Other issues included channelling American taxpayers' money into Israel, and the Vietnam War: judging by Kennedy's murder—which Russell tried to help investigate—the entire war was about making money (from weapons and equipment and building bases and probably prostitution and drugs), and currency control, rather than raw materials. Anyway—Russell increasingly opposed Jewish 'interests' (in quotes because the long-term results are unclear)—but he was still duped! Possibly this was the source of the increasing friction with Schoenman; and maybe neither realised
• A general comment on 'Communism': the Jewish origin, and subsequent Jewish influence, was always in effect denied by Russell, along with many others of course. It's a truly amazing aspect of censorship, and it's only been weakened by Internet. Many 20th century 'intellectuals', if they can be called that, were part of this—for example the 'Shanghai Group' which included E H Carr, whose 'History of Soviet Russia' is a monument of deceit. A J P Taylor was another. I think I'm right in saying all Penguin—i.e. cheap—paperback histories of the USSR were until long after Russell's death written by Jews: An Economic History of the USSR, Alec Nove, illustrates the type. Hobsbawm is another example of omission of Jews from 'Communism'.
• Ronald Kasrils (and Barry Feinberg) edited some of Russell's papers after his death—'Bertrand Russell's America' (2 vols, 1973; vol. II 1983—the delay is not explained in the introduction—my guess is it was held back for Jewish propaganda reasons) and, earlier, 'Dear Bertrand Russell' (1969), the latter 'a postcript' to Russell's Autobiography—some letters between Russell and the public, possibly intended to raise money for the 'Foundation'. The whole slant of 'Dear Bertrand Russell' is the Jewish view. Kasrils was in the ANC, along with repulsive people like 'Joe Slovo', supporting it during its current anti-white genocide period. Kasrils was, or seems to be, one of the tiny number of Jews not to wholeheartedly support Israel. However, so far as I know South African minerals remain Jewish— the obvious inference is that both editors were wholehearted Jews. Dear Bertrand Russell includes a 1964 letter on 'racism' from an American girl, including Russell's removal of a passage on black Africans. The no doubt false idea of races being equal seems to have been forced onto Russell, who was not well enough based in empiricism to challenge it. However, he never adopted the ridiculous Jewish idea notably attributed to Boas that races didn't exist—apart from Jews. Russell was or seemed unaware of the malignancy of Lyndon Johnson. I don't think he commented on the cover-up of the attack on the Liberty, for example. (Admittedly he was about 95 at the time!) Russell even attributed the bloodshed of the Vietnam War to Christianity—'blood red banners' and so on. It's not credible that Jews were unaware of Johnson's Jewish roots, though whether they communicated this to Russell I simply don't know. Bertrand Russell's America—Vol II 1945-1970 deals with Russell on nuclear weapons, and 'atom spies', but also Kennedy, the Vietnam War, blacks in the USA, and to some minor extent the 'Third World' and massive poverty there, though this latter is unemphasized. Russell never guessed that nuclear weapons were a fraud or even that there was something suspicious about them.
This forum [now 'Nukelies.org'] has Russell on McCarthyism and 'atom spies' http://big-lies.org/NUKE-LIES/www.nukelies.com/forum/mccarthyism-atom-spies-rosenberg-sobell.html, and Herman Kahn http://big-lies.org/NUKE-LIES/www.nukelies.com/forum/herman-kahn-hungarian-jew-money-threats.html and the Vietnam War http://big-lies.org/NUKE-LIES/www.nukelies.com/forum/Vietnam-JFK-LBJ-Civil-Rights-Act-drugs-1945-1965.html. Russell never commented on Jews, except in the 'anti-Semitism' sense—or at least, no material like this has surfaced; it's not credible to me that Russell never met the evidence or arguments, so it's possible Feinberg and Kasrils and others buried evidence which didn't suit them. It's typical of 'Bertrand Russell's America' that the CIA funding of the magazine 'Encounter', and of the 'Congress of Cultural Freedom', go unremarked.
• The 'London Bulletin' of the Russell Peace Foundation had some mention of Jews, but never in any critically intelligent sense. For example, there was a piece on Gomulka and Poland, and the 'danger of anti-Semitism', rather than any comment on the influence of Jews there. This continues to the present day, giving their publications a rather tired feel; Ken Coates, who died recently, seems to have controlled their editorial policy.
• I'll just note here without comment other Jews mentioned now and then in Russell's works, usually his discursive chatty material: Rufus Isaacs, Mark Gertler, S Koteliansky, Bernard Berenson, Georg Cantor, Kurt Gödel, Wittgenstein, 'Barrows Dunham', Norbert Weiner (?), 'Ashley Montagu', H M Sheffer, A J Ayer, Josef Rotblat, Cyrus Eaton, Mark Lane
However, from the point of view of this forum on nuclear issues, science is important. Russell accepted the conventional views of Einstein—(1) that he was a great scientist, (2) that he was a great humanitarian ('.. he was also a wise man' wrote BR somewhere). Now of course it's asking a lot to oppose fashion. However, Russell was supposed to have been a supreme logician. But his accounts of relativity (first published as a series of newspaper articles; then in book form as The ABC of Relativity—many editions) add nothing to the already existing accounts, and indeed seem to be simply copied; they are very unsatisfactory indeed. This is all very well for crummy publicists of the modern type—one hardly expects informed comment on any topic these days—but it's not satisfactory for someone supposedly of mathematical and philosophical eminence.
Something similar is true as regards physics. Russell was open about not being a scientist—he had no practical skills at all. (He literally could not make a cup of tea—see Russell Remembered). He wrote a book 'The Analysis of Matter' which tried to survey atomic theory as far as it was known at the time. There were some philosophical advances (I think) at the time—e.g. the fact or claim that atoms are mostly empty space, and it's only our crude senses that hide this. There was also the rather ill-fated 'uncertainty principle' which caused an endless output of junk comment. Anyway—although Russell could have spoken to the great names of the time—Rutherford, for example, or Blackett—I don’t think there's much evidence he did.
Russell became famous and remained so. He shared, possibly through partial self-interest, an incredible naïveté about the media. For example, he thought the best way book publication should be arranged, to permit free speech, was simply to have the arrangement of numerous small publishers. The lessons of control of information suggested e.g. by the Catholic church had been lost. (J M Keynes was similar—he thought the anti-German newspaper, and popular music, explosion in the USA from 1916 was a manifestation of popular US opinion). This wide but vaguely-based fame lasted until Russell started serious opposition to nuclear weapons, the Vietnam War, and other issues, where he found himself censored, including from the BBC.
However Russell was no fool, or not entirely—he says somewhere that, with the introduction of television, people could be made to believe anything. (I forget his wording). He says somewhere else that science might develop its own systems of power which would make it an obstruction to intellectual progress. Both points were, unfortunately, spot on.
I have to say I'm unsure of the permanent value of his work. Russell's obsession with 'Cretan Liar'-style paradoxes, which he felt it necessary to deal with, simply show that ordinary language has not developed in a way to make self-referential statements consistent, and indeed there's no reason why it should, any more than biological evolution would produce sense organs able to examine themselves—in both cases these things have quite enough work to do already. And the problem with 'Principia Mathematica' is related—beyond some point, precise definitions start to become unworkable, since the components themselves need to be scrutinised, leading to something like circularity or endless regresses. I'm not aware of any mathematical advance based on Russell, and the claim that computers were based on his logic seems definitely wrong; I don't think their designers needed to have been influenced by him, even unconsciously. The mass of mathematics is still based on calculus, as it has been since Newton. Pre-Newtonian maths had counting and geography, essentially simple models of the world, of objects which were fixed. Algebra made this more fluid. Calculus allowed for changes to be analysed within narrow limits. New concepts able to be manipulable by symbols seem not to have emerged, though statistical methods and thermodynamics may be leaning that way. Worth noting also is C.P. Snow's claim that the Indian mathematician Ramanujan sent some of his work to two well-known British mathematicians, who however returned his letter, complete with colourful Indian stamps. Snow does not name the two, but it's a good guess that they were Russell and Whitehead, who saw no value—i.e. didn't understand—his work. I find it slightly surprising that Russell made no attempt to develop theories of power based mathematically; he was aware of Lewis Fry Richardson, but added nothing to him; Russell's sociological statements included material from dynamics—stable societies having (in effect) momentum or pressure or kinetic energy—but only in passing. Anyway—it seems likely that Russell's work is not as important as he hoped. There's an account in 'Russell Remembered' (Rupert Crawshay-Williams, 1970) of his disappointment that his book 'Human Knowledge', published in 1948, made little impression.
Incidentally of course Russell fell under the influence of Ralph Schoenman near the end of his life. Russell, despite being famous, was extraordinarily socially isolated, particularly later in life as his old friends died off. One has to wonder if Schoenman was yet another planted Jewish influence. According to Caroline Moorehead, he was a Hungarian Jew, and it occurs to me he may have known e.g. Edward Teller. Personally I doubt it, but the chance is clearly there. It's conceivable Schoenman might have had something to do with the British 'Who Killed Kennedy Committee', which included Hugh Trevor-Roper and Russell. Obviously it would be important to head off speculation about the link with paper money and the dollar. It's also possible that nuclear interests had some connection with Schoenman, and wanted information on Russell.
Freud's idea of the unconscious—Russell said in an interview that everything else in Freud left him uninfluenced—was used by Russell to excuse Jews and others. (See The Prospects of Industrial Civilization for indirect evidence). It worked like this: Russell knew the USSR after the Jewish coup was run by Jews. They told him they were bringing about socialism, or some other lie, correctly perceiving Russell as a gullible goy. Russell writes that Bolsheviks, and other more or less autocratic types, are 'unconscious' of the fact that their idea of the State just happens to give them a key position in it! How could this possibly apply to a group that spent years planning against the Tsar, arranged finance, got the British government of Balfour onside, murdered the Tsar's family, and used about 600 of them to take control of Russia and its empire?
. . . . There's another analogous example in The Impact of Science on Society where he says people liked the Second World War (well... he was talking of some British people) and therefore they will be led by their unconscious to support specious plans for peace. He didn't want to face the fact that there are groups that make money, or status, or excitement out of war—provided it doesn't get out of control—so in that sense it's partly rational for them to support war. He prefers to think their deception is unconscious.
I could also comment on Cantor (of 'transfinite numbers', a topic that excited some people in 1900-ish, including Russell), and on 'non-Euclidean geometry'.
In fact I think Russell was much more influenced than he realised by Christianity. Like Tony Benn, his socialism was probably based on theoretical Christian ethics. His book Human Society in Ethics and Politics just assumes any person has similar entitlements to any other person. He said himself there's nothing particularly original in his ethical scheme. This means that any group deliberately expanding their population gets the advantage over groups that behave, in their own view, more responsibly. And any group that puts themselves first—notably the tribal systems of Judaism and Islam—can take advantage in assorted ways, as is becoming painfully clear. He also advocated the view that it's better that 100 criminals go free than that one person be unfairly jailed—though I forget the exact wording. This is of course likely to be in contradiction to his utilitarian outlook, that in effect the sum of likely consequences of one course of action should be compared with the sum of likely consequences of an alternative. Russell also (in 'Human Society..', 1954) said it would be better that criminals should be free to live on a desert island than be punished—but he added, presumably as a joke, that if this became known crime levels would increase, something which he then failed to factor in. Russell was to some extent a 'useful idiot'—as this entire piece shows. I think this helps explain why many ordinary unintellectual people had a low opinion of Russell, without being able to explain quite why. I remember a rather smug teacher (I think) and his rather smug son saying Russell was "a silly old man" in about 1970.
Another example of the deep influence of Christianity on Russell is his treatment of the control of beliefs, in Power (1938), in the short chapters Power over Opinion and Creeds as Sources of Power. He regards Christianity as having undergone several centuries of persuasion, then being able to seize power, and finally, in a 'kind of see-saw', imposing its beliefs by force until almost everyone believed them. He doesn't seem to realise the set of beliefs of a small minority would be unlikely to remain the same after such events. And he seems not to realise that Christianity might have been seen as useful, since a crumbling empire might well fear internal wars, and Constantine might have imposed his modified form for that reason. To see how weak his arguments are here, consider how (e.g.) Americans were convinced that men had walked on the moon, or that millions of Jews had been killed, or that Vietnamese peasants were a danger to them:– they were simply told from the top down, repeatedly, with no preparatory period. Russell understood the iteration, but his view of the history of Christianity made him unable to grasp the tribal aspects of Hinduism, Confucianism, and especially Islam and Judaism.
Yet another example is his limited scepticism. Sceptical Essays, a collection of seventeen reprinted essays and speeches (1935), comments attractively on a wide range of topics, including the First World War, science, psychology, philosophies, the party system, and primitive religions. But he was most confident in his religious, i.e. anti-Christian, scepticism. He was not at all sceptical of Einstein, the Stratford man, Piltdown man, the Labour Party, war profiteers, Jews, the development of paper money, Freud...
It occurs to me to add a comment on one of his sons, Conrad Russell, who was an academic historian for most of his life, mostly researching into the history of the English Civil War. He followed the family tradition—he had little or no idea of the financial involvements of Cromwell with continental Jews, and the changes this induced in Britain. It's probably fair to say his work is essentially worthless as a result. (There is a typical laudatory review in Amazon by Stephen Bull—'real name'—along with other rather childish reviews of war books of the gung-ho school).
Maybe, if more relaxed and honest times should transpire, there will be an analytical process applied to such people as Russell, on similar lines to those in Kevin MacDonald's books. It's entirely possible that the legacy of people like-minded to Russell, opening the door to so-called Jews, was the most disastrous error made in Britain in the entire modern era; and the analogous comment applies to other countries.